In a Multi-Party World, the British Media is Picking its Winners
Reflections on Reform, the opinion polls and the state of political journalism
“Loads” was the answer I received from my Reform UK party source when I enquired about the expected press presence at the party’s annual conference over the weekend. He wasn’t wrong.
Despite complaints that the insurgent and combative Reform had mistreated East Midlands regional title Nottinghamshire Live (link), the national and international media was out in force at the National Exhibition Centre in Birmingham.
The party had undoubtedly benefited from the goodwill it had built up over the summer.
When Parliament was in recess, the Labour government and other opposition parties naturally slowed their communication efforts down. Not Reform.
The party ignored any unspoken media ceasefire, saw a gap in the media market and held telegenic briefings almost every Monday from July into September.
It was hard work, with staffers having to regularly sacrifice their weekends. And the party spent a significant amount of money on props, venues and refreshments. But, ultimately, the tactic paid off.
Leader Nigel Farage dominated the broadcast and print media, while Reform moved even closer to political and policy journalists and their editors.
Having spoken to more than 10 Lobby journalists at Reform’s conference, these sentiments — that Farage generates traffic and the party produces copy — really shone through.
Even the FT and Bloomberg sent teams of senior journalists to the conference, while Politico fielded a five-strong unit.
The left-wing opposition parties have cried foul over Reform’s favourable treatment, with the OfCom-regulated broadcasters, including the BBC, being in their crosshairs.
But the Greens and Liberal Democrats simply haven’t put in the same graft as Reform, with the latter party facing its own reputational issues amongst journalists despite having more than 140 representatives (MPs and Peers) in Parliament.
Frankly, many Lobby journalists currently see the Lib Dems as a bit lame and don’t know what they stand for beyond the party’s headline social care policy and Sir Ed Davey’s odd awareness stunt (link).
A recent example would be the Lib Dems’ decision to hang a ‘Trump Tower’ sign onto Millbank Tower. Reform is headquartered there, but so is an array of media outlets and journalists. The stunt received limited coverage in The Mirror and Huffington Post (link).
The good news is that the Lib Dems *should* be able to easily rectify this communications concern by concentrating more on voters’ top concerns (immigration, the economy and healthcare) and the party’s forthcoming conference provides a platform to do this.
But the political media environment is only going to get tougher as Britain moves away from the traditional Labour-Conservative divide, towards a multi-party system where more than five different organisations (Reform, Labour, Lib Dems, the Conservatives, the Greens and potentially Jeremy Corbyn’s Your Party) are vying for voter attention.
Alas, journalists’ livers can only handle so much booze.
Reflections on Reform UK conference
I’ve put some further thoughts together on the event for the day job (link), with that analysis outlined below.
The British political class found itself in Roundhead country over the weekend. A new rebellion had sought to fortify itself in Warwickshire as Reform UK held its annual conference at the National Exhibition Centre on the outskirts of Birmingham.
For Nigel Farage’s party the issue at hand wasn’t that the King was divided from his country, as was the case with Charles I more than 380 years ago, but that Parliament itself no longer understood the chief concerns of the British electorate.
For Reform and its growing voter base (the party now consistently tops the opinion polls), Sir Keir Starmer’s Labour government increasingly looks economically inept and is merely copying the Conservatives’ miserable record on immigration.
But though the stakes are high and talk of political unrest is heavy, most Reform UK members SEC Newgate encountered at the conference were hopeful. They cared deeply about future generations and treated the assembled media with respect, something The Sunday Times’ Josh Glancy acknowledged during a panel session with our very own Allie Renison.
That mood of confidence and excitement from members was reflected by the party’s leadership. Farage used his headline speech to declare that he thought Reform was on track to win the next general election (and he could be right), with a call for members to be ready to fight an election as soon as 2027.
But for the short term, there will be a great focus on the 2026 elections, where Reform will seek to unseat Labour in Wales, take on the SNP and Scotland and make further gains throughout the local authorities of England.
To achieve this there is a small matter of convincing more voters to back them at the ballot box and that’s why Reform will be prioritising its Welsh and Scottish manifestos.
The party has accordingly launched a recruitment drive for four additional policy officials. Two will focus on the central government, the other two will concentrate on the devolved administrations.
It is also clear that an emerging think-tank ecosystem of new and established groups will play a growing role for Reform alongside formal party committees.
Having said all of that, Reform’s policy platform could be accused of starting with "vibes", not detail, while it is not easily pigeonholed into traditional left and right positions. Maybe new Head of Policy Zia Yusuf will rectify that?
The thread going through Reform’s conference, however, was clear. It was one of fairness, hard work and restoring a sense of pride and prosperity. It is essential for business to understand this mood ahead of any engagement on detailed policy issues.
As for whether Reform will stay the course, perhaps history has more lessons for us?
Though the Roundheads won the English Civil War, its Protectorate would eventually fail with the Restoration of the monarchy, followed by another usurpation in the shape of the Glorious Revolution.
The Whigs emerged as a political power, defeating the republican Commonwealth Men in the process, but they would ultimately be replaced by the most potent force in British party-political history: the Tories.
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